Showing posts sorted by relevance for query ANC COSATU SACP. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query ANC COSATU SACP. Sort by date Show all posts

Saturday, June 24, 2006

The Break?: South African Politics and the Potential Earthquake

I have said it for years. The dominance of the African National Congress will not wane as the result of a challenge from the right. The days of the National Party and its inconsequential successors is past. There is room and a need for true conservatism (which I will then heartily oppose) in South Africa, but it cannot rise from the ashes of the Afrikaner Broederbond, the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB) or the Nats, new, old, gereformeerde or otherwise. The challenge, then will come from the left. More accurately it will come as the result of a break in the tripartite alliance that makes up the ANC -- the ANC, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). I am certainly not an original thinker on this point, but these are observations I have been making since 1997 so I feel some sense that my construction of the discussion, at least, is my own.


The reason one can envision such a break is because recently both COSATU and the SACP have been making noise indicating that they could, possibly, at some point, consider breaking fron the alliance and going forward on their own in the political waters. That it has taken this long, and that it might never come to pass, is testament to the hold that power has on any constituency that has it. Being in the ANC fold is a virtual guarantee of access, status, and viability -- of, in essence, the concrete benefits of being in the catbird seat. COSATU and the SACP have always been second among equals, however, and this has long chafed the leadership of these organizations that, rightly, remind us of their vital role in the long liberation struggle.


This last point cannot be overstated. I know that many of my readers place themselves in the ardent anti-Communist camp, a standing that generally is the right one. For reasons too obvious to explore here, when Americans think of Communists we think of the Soviets, or possible China. Those, especially the Soviets, posed a real and serious threat and embodied the ultimate evil. In that context, I too am an anti-Communist. But the South African example is a significant exception, because almost universally the Communists in South Africa subsumed the idea of class revolution to the necessary fight against racial dominance. In so doing, they contributed greatly to providing both an intellectual framework and a multi-racial dynamic that proved vital to the ANC. It is worth noting that the SACP was virtually the only organization to which white South Africans could belong and contribute to the long fight against apartheid. On top of all of this, the explanatory apparatus of socialism really did resonate in South Africa, and for good reason: The apartheid system was many things, most of them bad. One of the most significant of its grotesqueries was that its very existence was based on the existence and ruthless exploitation of masses of black labor. Capitalism, free markets -- these quintessential components of liberalism were a farce for black South Africans. There was nothing free about South Africa's markets, a point that a succession of American presidential administrations never understood, which is remarkably obtuse. Furthermore, white South African anti-Communism was ardent -- in significant ways, far more so than in the US. This too made the National Party's rule seem appealing to the United States. The problem was that it was an anti-Communism borne of the most vicious racism, yet another point that myopic American governments failed to grasp in their simplistic use of Africa as a Cold War battlefield. In sum, then, as long as they subsumed Communist ideology to the anti-Apartheid fight, and they did for the duration, the SACP were the good guys in the decades after 1948.


It is in recognition of this that the ANC has bent over backward to accomodate, or at least pay lip service to the SACP and to the socialist-sympathetic unions of COSATU. Plus the ANC has always known that keeping these groups in the fold maximized their own power. But times are changing. This relationship that for so long has been fruitful is wearing out its usefulness. It may finally be time for a change.


The SACP is antsy to push a socialist agenda. It is an agenda that, while it has some fruitful points, would, if implemented in toto, be an utter disaster in the one country that Africans across the continent simply cannot afford to go awry. COSATU rightly emphasizes the rights of workers, but like all unions is largely unconcerned with masses who live on the agricultural fringes and with those not within its ranks, which is to say, a majority of South Africans, apoint that COSATU elides because to do otherwise would raise some uncomfortable questions.


South Africa has a parliamentary legislature that the ANC has dominated since 1994. I surmise that even after a break of the alliance the ANC will continue to do so. But its support levels will surely drop to or below where they were after the 1994 elections when the Nats and Inkatha Freedom Party, the one defunct the other irrelevant, drew support. This is to my mind a good thing. The ANC with too much support, which translates to too much power, frightens me. I'd like to think that South Africa is different from other African states, its leaders more sage, its democracy more stable, its juduciary and military more independent. But power is power, and when too much of it is consolodated for too long, such power becomes dangerous. Such a break would be especially good if it could be amicable -- if COSATU and SACP can maintain an alliance on a large number of issues while pursuing their own course where there is divergence.


This is all by way of description -- what I see happening -- rather than prediction, though I have long held that in the long run the alliance would be untenable if the partners ultimately chose to care about more than simply maintaining their grip on the levers of control. It is a dynamic well worth watching in the weeks, months and years to come.


On matters seemingly more prosaic, but almost assuredly of more immediate interest to a huge number of South Africans, the Springboks face off against the French in a rugby test match at 2:00. Just enough time for me to head back, drop some things off, and hit a (hopefully warm) pub for the clash.

Tuesday, January 10, 2006

Politics in the Western Cape

One of the quirks, if you will, of Western Cape and Cape Town politics is that this is the only part of the country in which the ANC is not dominant. This has been the case since the end of apartheid. For a while the ANC also faced minority status in KwaZulu-Natal, (odd that two former parts of the British South African empire have proved most difficult to the ANC) but with the passage of time the Inkatha Freedom Party went from ascendant to irrelevant, at least in part because at times Mangosotho Buthelezi has seemed a bit like Mugabe with an assegai. The demise of the National Party/New National Party has also played a role in the changing political landscape across the country.


In Cape Town and the Western Cape (Western Cape is one of nine provinces -- Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, North-West, Gauteng, Kwa-Zulu-Natal, Limpopo, Free State and Mpumalanga are the others) the ANC faces challenges from, most prominently, the Democratic Alliance, the largest opposition party in the country, headed by Tony Leon, and the Independent Democrats, a smaller party that is toying with putting up a full slate of candidates in March's nationwide municipal elections. As with "off-year" elections everywhere (see America, United States of) turnout will probably be low, and thus turning out party regulars will be the key to victory.


There are several reasons why the ANC is not quite as dominant as it is elsewhere -- though it should also be noted that the party of Mbeki still has decent odds of winning either a majority or a plurality here when the counting of votes is completed. The first of these is that there is a large, affluent, powerful white upper and upper-middle class in Cape Town, and that is a trend that has only accelerated in the last decade. There is also an independent and large "coloured" population (South Africans have an ambivalent relationship with the former racial terms of the apartheid regime -- most hate them, but still use them on a regular basis, seeing as how they serve a certain utilitarian function, descriptively if nothing else) that has often steered its own course, not seeing themselves automatically beholden to the ANC, whetever respect thay have for that organization's historical role. There is also a simple political answer -- opposition parties have gotten a foothold here, and as a consequence have focused on shoring their base in this part of the country. Of course there are myriad other answers -- a large Afrikaner base that is wary of the majority, ANC failings at the local level, and so forth. All of these factors mean that this is going to be one of the parts of the country to watch most closely when the dust settles in March.


I plan to write a series of articles and the like when I return on the current South African political situation, so I will keep the political discussion short, but as ever it is a fascinating political landscape. Many have called 2005 an annus horribilus for the ANC as the result of the dual crises facing deposed Vice President Jacob Zuma, who faces independent but re-enforcing corruption and rape charges all while maintaining a solid political base among ANC constituent groups such as the South African Communist Party (SACP) and ANC Youth League. This has led to a potential succession crisis in the party for both party leadership and presumed presidential succession. If Zuma is cleared of all charges, the ANC might fracture. The ANC coalition, with the SACP and Congress of SAfrican Trade Unions (COSATU) has for more than a decade been a tendentious one, and many observers, myself included, have asserted that the most likely challenge to ANC dominance in the ANC will not come from an outside party, certainly not from a largely-white outside party, but rather of a splintering of the SACP and COSATU from the ANC. The Zuma crisis might add a new element; I suspect instead that it will merely amplify the fissures within the governing coalition in which by a long way the ANC is first among putative equals.



Last night I had dinner and a couple of bottles of wonderful Cape wine (the best was a Graham Beck Pinotage) at a beachfront restaurant. Tonight we are going to drive around Cape Point, stopping wherever the mood strikes. Tomorrow will be a full day at the University of Cape Town. It is another glorious sunny day here in Africa's southwestern corner. The beach beckons . . .

Wednesday, December 30, 2009

Disunity in South Africa (Self Indulgence Edition)

The Foreign Policy Association recently published my latest opinion piece, "Disunity in South Africa." It explores one of my evergreen topics, the possibility that the South African Communist Party (SACP) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) will break away from the African National Congress' (ANC) Tripartite Alliance.

[Cross-posted at the Foreign Policy Association's Africa Blog.]